Arabian Oud perfume - Madawi 90 ml

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NOTES: Top Notes: Cambodian Oud | Heart Notes: Madagascar Vanilla | Base Notes: White Musk, Frankincense Safe for use in body products when used at the correct percentage (except lip balm). Please refer to the IFRA for permitted maximum usages. Chapter Two starts with a detailed analysis of the Son King’s branding and network of alliances, mainly through media and PR companies. Al-Rasheed depicts ‘the media’s optimistic and overtly congratulatory assessment of the emerging realm’ (31). How the regime deployed a new royal vision through a persuasive and aggressive publicity campaign is at the centre of this chapter. Al-Rasheed states that the analysis published in the media and academic outlets proposes that progressive leadership is the only way to solve the ills of Saudi society. However, proposing this leadership as the solution ignores the views and experiences of locals, the Saudi voices that have struggled for years to demand reform. Later she adds that while the media and these contested analyses define MBS as the leader of reform, he ‘has appreciated the work and struggles of feminists and vocal activists, while holding them in detention and claiming to be the source himself of these initiatives and progress’ (85). Madawi Al-Rasheed isVisiting Professor at the London School of Economics Middle East Centre and a Fellow of the British Academy.Since joining the MEC, Madawi has been conducting research on mutations among Saudi Islamists after the 2011 Arab uprisings. This research focuses on the new reinterpretations of Islamic texts prevalent among a small minority of Saudi reformers and the activism in the pursuit of democratic governance and civil society. The result of this research project, sponsored by the Open Society Foundation Fellowship Programme, appeared in a monograph entitled Muted Modernists (2015, Hurst & OUP). Her latest edited book, Salman’s Legacy: The Dilemmas of a New Era was also published by Hurst in 2018. Like all national narratives, Saudi Arabia’s has changed its focus since the creation of the state and had various elements added to it, but three phases can be identified over time. First, religious nationalism initially dominated the country immediately after the creation of the state in 1932. Second, beginning in the 1960s a pan-Islamic transnational identity was promoted in the context of the Cold War. And third, under the leadership of Muhammad ibn Salman (better known as MBS) there has been a retreat into a narrow Saudi nationalism, with an emphasis on developing a strong local national identity, represented in online campaigns and hashtags such as ‘Saudi Arabia for Saudis’ and ‘Saudi Arabia is Great’. This recent imagining of the nation is at odds with the prince’s other stated project of turning Saudi Arabia into a global centre for economic prosperity to benefit the whole world. This Saudi nationalism sits uncomfortably with promoting a new capitalist liberal economy in which state assets are sold and floated in international markets. Equally, the prince’s urgent and incessant quest to draw both international capital and high-profile investors to make Saudi Arabia their home seems to undermine the rhetoric that that ‘Saudi Arabia is for Saudis’. These three phases of nation building occasionally coincided and sometime overlapped, but they are distinguished by their specific focus and rhetoric.

Image Credit: Crop of ‘160616-D-DT527-209’, DoD photo by Senior Master Sgt. Adrian Cadiz featuring Muhammed bin Salman (Released) licensed by US Secretary of Defense under CC BY 2.0 Al-Rasheed, M. Kersten, C. and Shterin, M. (eds,) Demystifying the Caliphate: Historical Memory and Contemporary Contexts, London: Hurst and Co. Al-Rasheed, M. A History of Saudi Arabia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Also in Arabic, Spanish and Polish. This book deserves praise - and more importantly - to be read by those with an interest in Saudi Arabia or a desire to learn more about the factors and mechanisms that contribute to women's continued marginalisation worldwide.'

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After surveying religious nationalism in the early formation of the state and pan-Islamism in the later era, Al-Rasheed introduces the new nationalism along with its contradictory narratives. MBS’s propaganda about ‘Saudi moderation’ proposes the myth that it was the Iranian revolution and the siege of the Mecca Mosque in 1979 that encouraged radicalism in Saudi Arabia. Al-Rasheed does not discuss the accuracy of this claim; however, she underlines that these interpretations of the reasons for radicalism in Saudi Arabia absolve political elites and the wider society of any responsibility due to the belief that if there was no trigger in the region like Iran, Saudi Arabia would be ‘an island of tolerance’. The national narrative is populist. The previously promised Islamic Utopia at home and abroad is now gradually giving way to the promotion of a local Saudi entrepreneurial utopia. The crown prince features at the centre of these projects and has become a cult figure, with domestic and global worshippers, apologists and disciples. All are engaged in redefining heritage and, above all, loyalty to the prince. Considering counter-narratives to this new nationalism, Al-Rasheed provides examples of activists and exiles who reject this, stating that it does not represent them but rather Al Saud. One of the critical advantages and outstanding elements of The Son King is the use of primary data gathered from interviews. Notably, in this chapter and later chapters, where Al-Rasheed interviews women, young people, exiles and ‘sub-nationals’ (or minority groups) to learn their approach to reform and repression in the Kingdom, these insider comments give readers comprehensive insight. In this book, Madawi Al-Rasheed lays bare the world of repression behind Saudi crown prince Muhammed bin Salman's reforms.She dissects the Saudi regime’s propaganda and progressive new image, while also dismissing Orientalist views that despotism is the only pathway to stable governance in the Middle East. Charting old and new challenges to the fragile Saudi nation from the kingdom’s very inception, this blistering book exposes the dangerous contradictions at the heart of the Son King’s Saudi Arabia. Al-Rasheed, M. & M. Shterin. (eds.) Dying for Faith: Religiously Motivated Violence in the Contemporary World, London: I.B. Tauris.

MAIN NOTES: This fragrance opens up with fragrant hints of citronella and jasmine. The elegant scent of this Eau de Parfum fragrance, immerges from the unique heart of cinnamon and rose, and dries to a warm inviting scent of woody earthy notes. The oriental layer of amber, cedarwood, and vanilla makes it easy for perfume lovers to get attention with the warm distinguished scent of this fragrance. History becomes legend, legends become myth. So goes the popular saying by literary legend JRR Tolkien. In the world of the mainstream media, with the passage of time, truth becomes lies, fiction becomes fact, journalists become a joke and when enough time has passed, ‘legendary’ journalists turn into something more. They become a meme. Such is the story of The Guardian columnist Arwa Mahdawi. What makes the book so rewarding and useful is, first, the thoughtful, richly detailed historical context it provides for understanding women’s education, the regulations of women’s bodies and sexuality, and the place of women in business relations in Saudi Arabia over the span of several decades. But Al-Rasheed is also very attentive to both the state-centered mythologizing and religious discourse-making that goes into the maintenance of gender relations, as well as the contestation over the boundaries of control … For now, her readers will be grateful for such a sympathetically critical guide to the way so many Saudi women live today.' If you’re after the best Arabic perfume for ladies or the best Arabian Oud fragrance for men, this perfume house is probably on your radar. Its Arabian Oud woody and sweet perfumes are already popular outside Asia, which makes you think at just how successful these could be if they would easily be available in stores. Al-Rasheed argues that ‘Saudi Arabia moved from religious nationalism and pan-Islamism to populist nationalism to mobilize the loyalty of citizens to the future Son King’ (138). Chapter Four primarily discusses this new wave of populist nationalism deployed by MBS. However, Al-Rasheed argues that Saudi Arabia is far from being a melting pot for its multicultural and multi-sectarian society. Instead, the Kingdom is still a state run by Al Saud, not a nation.

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Similar to Chapter Four’s approach to the new nationalism, Chapter Five discusses the minorities and sub-nationals in the Kingdom, starting with a conceptual and historical analysis. The chapter provides a comprehensive account of tribalism, the competition between tribes, religious minorities, mainly Shia, and their problems with the regime.Al-Rasheed, M. Iraqi Assyrian Christians in London: the Construction of Ethnicity, New York: Edwin Mellen Press Al-Rasheed was born in Paris to a Saudi father and a Lebanese mother. Her father descends from the Rashidi dynasty. Shortly after her birth, the family moved to Saudi Arabia, where al-Rasheed grew up. [4] For the crown prince, the Saudi nation is primarily those under twenty-five years old, amounting to almost 51 percent of the population. Always reminding his audience of the young age of his subjects, he presents himself as a role model to be emulated if Saudis are to be counted among the modern nations. His ‘youthfulness’ is symbolised by a carefree handling of the self and body and the excessive use of media and modern communication gadgets. This came to the forefront when he presented himself a champion of car races on camera. The youth and modernity of the prince should be emulated by the new young nation, according to this message. He plays on the needs and aspirations of young Saudis to foster a new sense of belonging to the nation and consolidate his cult as the future monarch. As the youth are his priority, he expects them to make Saudi Arabia theirs and pledge undisputed loyalty to him. In return, he promises them greater employment opportunities, a flourishing national heritage industry, new global popular cultural entertainment, an increasing connectedness with the outside world, and the illusion of future liberal modernisation. In short, the crown prince offers the Saudi nation ‘ bread and circuses’. But the remaining 49 percent of the population seem to be forgotten. This cohort must include all Saudis above the age of twenty-five years old, amongst them many old government employees awaiting retirement or already retired while leaving on meagre pensions, and insufficient benefits to maintain the promised new lifestyle and enjoy the new entertainment utopia. Madawi is Visiting Professor at the LSE Middle East Centre. In January 2017, she returned to the MEC from a sabbatical year at the Middle East Institute, the National University of Singapore. Previously, she was Research Fellow at the Open Society Foundation. Between 1994–2013, she was Professor of Anthropology of Religion at King’s College London. She was also Prize Research Fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford. She has taught at Goldsmith College, University of London and the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology, University of Oxford.

Al-Rasheed, M. Contesting the Saudi State: Islamic Voices from a New Generation, Cambridge: Cambridge University PressThe first chapter summarises the history of previous Saudi states and how the current Saudi Arabian rule has been authorised. This section is particularly significant for readers who are not familiar with Saudi history because it outlines the establishment of Saudi Arabia through old and new strategies, the role of local actors and the challenges to the state. SCENT CHARACTER: Warm, Earthy, Woody, Oriental | An elegant composition of oriental notes that pair well together to project a unique warm earthy scent with fresh character.